“The Number of a Man”

By Steve A. Hamilton

“Here is wisdom. Let him who has understanding calculate the number of the beast, for it is the number of a man: His number is six hundred and sixty-six” (Rev. 13:18).

Much ado has been made about the number 666 from the above passage out of Revelation 13:18. It is not our intent to disprove all the various theories as to the meaning of the number and hence the name that represents the beast. Rather, we will simply offer a solution that makes perfect sense.

The most important thing to keep in mind is the stated fact that the number represents the beast. The beast is the Roman Empire. The man’s name would not be an emperor as that would not reflect the Roman Empire unless the man’s name was the very embodiment of the empire. It would be difficult to pick one emperor that would be the designation for an empire that lasted over 450 years.

Hippolytus (170 A.D. to 236 A.D.), a second century Christian who died a martyr, provides an answer that fulfills the requirement for a man’s name that reflects the Roman Empire. Though Hippolytus cautions against any declaration of certainty on this matter, his insight is certainly worth the consideration.

“With respect to his name, it is not in our power to explain it exactly, as the blessed John understood it and was instructed about it, but only to give a conjectural account of it; for when he appears, the blessed one will show us what we seek to know. Yet as far as our doubtful apprehension of the matter goes, we may speak. Many names indeed we find, the letters of which are the equivalent of this number: such as, for instance, the word Titan, an ancient and notable name; or Evanthas, for it too makes up the same number; and many others which might be found. But, as we have already said, the wound of the first beast was healed, and he (the second beast) was to make the image speak, that is to say, he should be powerful; and it is manifest to all that those who at present still hold the power are Latins. If, then, we take the name as the name of a single man, it becomes Latinus. Wherefore we ought neither to give it out as if this were certainly his name, nor again ignore the fact that he may not be otherwise designated.” [Hippolytus, “Treatise on Christ and Antichrist,” Ante-Nicene Fathers, Alexander Roberts & James Donaldson, ed., Hendrickson Publishers, 1995, Vol. 5, Pg. 215. ]

It appears that Hippolytus was well versed with Irenaeus’ writings on this subject. Irenaeus (30 A.D. to 107 A.D.) was a disciple of the Apostle John. Irenaeus says much the same things concerning Revelation 13:18 in his writings. He also cautions against supposing with certainty the identity of the name. Yet, Irenaeus connects the fourth beast in the book of Daniel to the name Latinus. The fourth beast being the Roman Empire.

“Then also Lateinos has the number six hundred and sixty-six; and it is a very probable [solution], this being the name of the last kingdom [of the four seen by Daniel]. For the Latins are they who at present bear rule: I will not, however, make any boast over this [coincidence].”  [Irenaeus, “Irenaeus Against Heresies,” Ante-Nicene Fathers, Alexander Roberts & James Donaldson, ed., Hendrickson Publishers, 1995, Vol. 1, Pg. 559. ]

According to Irenaeus, Lateinos is a most probable name of a man whose name calculates to 666 while at the same time refers to the Roman Empire. This name calculates to 666 using both the Greek and Roman isopsephia. Many names can calculate to 666 using but one lingual method. Very few names have succeeded using two different languages. Greek and Latin were the common languages spoken at the time John wrote the book of Revelation. It did not matter which language a reader at the time might have used to calculate the name. Both languages lead to the same answer. Though Irenaeus admits John never revealed the name if he even knew it, just the fact that dual lingual methods calculate to the same number provides confidence that the number 666 refers to Lateinos.

The Winepress of God’s Wrath

By Steve A. Hamilton

“So the first went and poured out his bowl upon the earth, and a foul and loathsome sore came upon the men who had the mark of the beast and those who worshiped his image.” (Rev. 16:2)

The date was 541 A.D. Roman Emperor Justinian was reigning in his 14th year from Constantinople when the plague struck the empire. By the year 542 A.D., the entire empire was fully engulfed by this horrific disease. Historian Procopius (c. 500 A.D. – c. 554 A.D.) gives this firsthand commentary about the disease that later became known as the Justinian plague:

“[542 A.D.] During these times there was a pestilence, by which the whole human race came near to being annihilated. Now in the case of all other scourges sent from Heaven some explanation of a cause might be given by daring men, such as the many theories propounded by those who are clever in these matters;… But for this calamity it is quite impossible either to express in words or to conceive in thought any explanation, except indeed to refer it to God. For it did not come in a part of the world nor upon certain men, nor did it confine itself to any season of the year, so that from such circumstances it might be possible to find subtle explanations of a cause, but it embraced the entire world, and blighted the lives of all men, though differing from one another in the most marked degree, respecting neither sex nor age. For much as men differ with regard to places in which they live,… in the case of this disease alone the difference availed naught. And it attacked some in the summer season, others in the winter, and still others at the other times of the year… I shall proceed to tell where this disease originated and the manner in which it destroyed men.

“It started from the Aegyptians who dwell in Pelusium. Then it divided and moved in one direction towards Alexandria and the rest of Aegypt, and in the other direction it came to Palestine on the borders of Aegypt; and from there it spread over the whole world, always moving forward and travelling at times favourable to it. For it seemed to move by fixed arrangement, and to tarry for a specified time in each country, casting its blight slightingly upon none, but spreading in either direction right out to the ends of the world, as if fearing lest some corner of the earth might escape it. For it left neither island nor cave nor mountain ridge which had human inhabitants; and if it had passed by any land, either not affecting the men there or touching them in indifferent fashion, still at a later time it came back; then those who dwelt round about this land, whom formerly it had afflicted most sorely, it did not touch at all, but it did not remove from the place in question until it had given up its just and proper tale of dead, so as to correspond exactly to the number destroyed at the earlier time among those who dwelt round about. And this disease always took its start from the coast, and from there went up to the interior. And in the second year it reached Byzantium in the middle of spring, where it happened that I was staying at that time. And it came as follows… They had a sudden fever, some when just roused from sleep, others while walking about, and others while otherwise engaged, without any regard to what they were doing. And the body shewed no change from its previous colour, nor was it hot as might be expected when attacked by a fever, nor indeed did any inflammation set in, but the fever was of such a languid sort from its commencement and up till evening that neither to the sick themselves nor to a physician who touched them would it afford any suspicion of danger. It was natural, therefore, that not one of those who had contracted the disease expected to die from it. But on the same day in some cases, in others on the following day, and in the rest not many days later, a bubonic swelling developed; and this took place not only in the particular part of the body which is called “boubon,” that is, below the abdomen, but also inside the armpit, and in some cases also beside the ears, and at different points on the thighs.

“Up to this point, then, everything went in about the same way with all who had taken the disease. But from then on very marked differences developed; and I am unable to say whether the cause of this diversity of symptoms was to be found in the difference in bodies, or in the fact that it followed the wish of Him who brought the disease into the world. For there ensued with some a deep coma, with others a violent delirium, and in either case they suffered the characteristic symptoms of the disease. For those who were under the spell of the coma forgot all those who were familiar to them and seemed to be sleeping constantly. And if anyone cared for them, they would eat without waking, but some also were neglected, and these would die directly through lack of sustenance. But those who were seized with delirium suffered from insomnia and were victims of a distorted imagination; for they suspected that men were coming upon them to destroy them, and they would become excited and rush off in flight, crying out at the top of their voices. And those who were attending them were in a state of constant exhaustion and had a most difficult time of it throughout. For this reason everybody pitied them no less than the sufferers, not because they were threatened by the pestilence in going near it (for neither physicians nor other persons were found to contract this malady through contact with the sick or with the dead, for many who were constantly engaged either in burying or in attending those in no way connected with them held out in the performance of this service beyond all expectation, while with many others the disease came on without warning and they died straightway); but they pitied them because of the great hardships which they were undergoing. For when the patients fell from their beds and lay rolling upon the floor, they, kept patting them back in place, and when they were struggling to rush headlong out of their houses, they would force them back by shoving and pulling against them. And when water chanced to be near, they wished to fall into it, not so much because of a desire for drink (for the most of them rushed into the sea), but the cause was to be found chiefly in the diseased state of their minds. They had also great difficulty in the matter of eating, for they could not easily take food. And many perished through lack of any man to care for them, for they were either overcome by hunger, or threw themselves down from a height. And in those cases where neither coma nor delirium came on, the bubonic swelling became mortified and the sufferer, no longer able to endure the pain, died. And one would suppose that in all cases the same thing would have been true, but since they were not at all in their senses, some were quite unable to feel the pain; for owing to the troubled condition of their minds they lost all sense of feeling.

“Now some of the physicians who were at a loss because the symptoms were not understood, supposing that the disease centred in the bubonic swellings, decided to investigate the bodies of the dead. And upon opening some of the swellings, they found a strange sort of carbuncle that had grown inside them.

“Death came in some cases immediately, in others after many days; and with some the body broke out with black pustules about as large as a lentil and these did not survive even one day, but all succumbed immediately. With many also a vomiting of blood ensued without visible cause and straightway brought death. Moreover I am able to declare this, that the most illustrious physicians predicted that many would die, who unexpectedly escaped entirely from suffering shortly afterwards, and that they declared that many would be saved, who were destined to be carried off almost immediately. So it was that in this disease there was no cause which came within the province of human reasoning; for in all cases the issue tended to be something unaccountable. For example, while some were helped by bathing, others were harmed in no less degree. And of those who received no care many died, but others, contrary to reason, were saved. And again, methods of treatment shewed different results with different patients. Indeed the whole matter may be stated thus, that no device was discovered by man to save himself, so that either by taking precautions he should not suffer, or that when the malady had assailed him he should get the better of it; but suffering came without warning and recovery was due to no external cause.

“And in the case of women who were pregnant death could be certainly foreseen if they were taken with the disease. For some died through miscarriage, but others perished immediately at the time of birth with the infants they bore. However, they say that three women in confinement survived though their children perished, and that one woman died at the very time of child-birth but that the child was born and survived.

“Now in those cases where the swelling rose to an unusual size and a discharge of pus had set in, it came about that they escaped from the disease and survived, for clearly the acute condition of the carbuncle had found relief in this direction, and this proved to be in general an indication of returning health; but in cases where the swelling preserved its former appearance there ensued those troubles which I have just mentioned. And with some of them it came about that the thigh was withered, in which case, though the swelling was there, it did not develop the least suppuration. With others who survived the tongue did not remain unaffected, and they lived on either lisping or speaking incoherently and with difficulty.

“Now the disease in Byzantium ran a course of four months, and its greatest virulence lasted about three. And at first the deaths were a little more than the normal, then the mortality rose still higher, and afterwards the tale of dead reached five thousand each day, and again it even came to ten thousand and still more than that. Now in the beginning each man attended to the burial of the dead of his own house, and these they threw even into the tombs of others, either escaping detection or using violence; but afterwards confusion and disorder everywhere became complete. For slaves remained destitute of masters, and men who in former times were very prosperous were deprived of the service of their domestics who were either sick or dead, and many houses became completely destitute of human inhabitants. For this reason it came about that some of the notable men of the city because of the universal destitution remained unburied for many days.

“And it fell to the lot of the emperor, as was natural, to make provision for the trouble. He therefore detailed soldiers from the palace and distributed money, commanding Theodorus to take charge of this work; this man held the position of announcer of imperial messages, always announcing to the emperor the petitions of his clients, and declaring to them in turn whatever his wish was. In the Latin tongue the Romans designate this office by the term “referendarius.” So those who had not as yet fallen into complete destitution in their domestic affairs attended individually to the burial of those connected with them. But Theodorus, by giving out the emperor’s money and by making further expenditures from his own purse, kept burying the bodies which were not cared for. And when it came about that all the tombs which had existed previously were filled with the dead, then they dug up all the places about the city one after the other, laid the dead there, each one as he could, and departed; but later on those who were making these trenches, no longer able to keep up with the number of the dying, mounted the towers of the fortifications in Sycae, and tearing off the roofs threw the bodies in there in complete disorder; and they piled them up just as each one happened to fall, and filled practically all the towers with corpses, and then covered them again with their roofs. As a result of this an evil stench pervaded the city and distressed the inhabitants still more, and especially whenever the wind blew fresh from that quarter.

“At that time all the customary rites of burial were overlooked. For the dead were not carried out escorted by a procession in the customary manner, nor were the usual chants sung over them, but it was sufficient if one carried on his shoulders the body of one of the dead to the parts of the city which bordered on the sea and flung him down; and there the corpses would be thrown upon skiffs in a heap, to be conveyed wherever it might chance. At that time, too, those of the population who had formerly been members of the factions laid aside their mutual enmity and in common they attended to the burial rites of the dead, and they carried with their own hands the bodies of those who were no connections of theirs and buried them. Nay, more, those who in times past used to take delight in devoting themselves to pursuits both shameful and base, shook off the unrighteousness of their daily lives and practised the duties of religion with diligence, not so much because they had learned wisdom at last nor because they had become all of a sudden lovers of virtue, as it were–for when qualities have become fixed in men by nature or by the training of a long period of time, it is impossible for them to lay them aside thus lightly, except, indeed, some divine influence for good has breathed upon them–but then all, so to speak, being thoroughly terrified by the things which were happening, and supposing that they would die immediately, did, as was natural, learn respectability for a season by sheer necessity. Therefore as soon as they were rid of the disease and were saved, and already supposed that they were in security, since the curse had moved on to other peoples, then they turned sharply about and reverted once more to their baseness of heart, and now, more than before, they make a display of the inconsistency of their conduct, altogether surpassing themselves in villainy and in lawlessness of every sort. For one could insist emphatically without falsehood that this disease, whether by chance or by some providence, chose out with exactitude the worst men and let them go free. But these things were displayed to the world in later times.

“During that time it seemed no easy thing to see any man in the streets of Byzantium, but all who had the good fortune to be in health were sitting in their houses, either attending the sick or mourning the dead. And if one did succeed in meeting a man going out, he was carrying one of the dead. And work of every description ceased, and all the trades were abandoned by the artisans, and all other work as well, such as each had in hand. Indeed in a city which was simply abounding in all good things starvation almost absolute was running riot. Certainly it seemed a difficult and very notable thing to have a sufficiency of bread or of anything else; so that with some of the sick it appeared that the end of life came about sooner than it should have come by reason of the lack of the necessities of life. And, to put all in a word, it was not possible to see a single man in Byzantium clad in the chlamys, and especially when the emperor became ill (for he too had a swelling of the groin), but in a city which held dominion over the whole Roman empire every man was wearing clothes befitting private station and remaining quietly at home. Such was the course of the pestilence in the Roman empire at large as well as in Byzantium. And it fell also upon the land of the Persians and visited all the other barbarians besides.”[i]

Procopius describes a worldwide plague that matches the first bowl of wrath. “A foul and loathsome sore came upon the men.” His graphic detail of what is believed to be the bubonic or black plague leaves the reader with the amazement that such horror actually took place just as John had prophesied in the book of revelation.

Another historian who lived during the Justinian plague was a Syrian known as John of Ephesus. He too writes a rather lengthy firsthand narrative of the plague. What follows is a portion of his writings that describes the number of victims and the symptoms of the plague:

“When thus the scourge weighted heavy upon this city, first it eagerly began (to assault) the class of the poor, who lay in the streets. It happened that 5000 and 7000, or even 12,000 and as many as 16,000 of them departed (this world) in a single day. Since thus far it was (only) the beginning, men were standing by the harbours, at the crossroads and at the gates counting (the dead). Thus having perished they were shrouded with great diligence and buried; they departed (this life) being clothed and followed (to the grave) by everybody.

“Thus the (people of Constantinople) reached the point of disappearing, only few remaining, whereas (of) those only who had died on the streets – if anybody wants us to name their number, for in fact they were counted – over 300,000 were taken off the streets. Those who counted, having reached (the number of) 230,000 and seeing that (the dead) were innumerable, gave up (reckoning)and from then on (the corpses) were brought out without being counted.

“… Not only those who died, but also those who escaped sudden death (were struck) with this plague of swelling in their groins, with this disease which they call boubones, and which in our Syriac language is translated as ‘tumours.’ Both servants and masters were smitten together, nobles and common people impartially. They were struck down one opposite another, groaning.

“… Another sign would separate those to be snatched away from those who would survive and remain (waiting) for either death or life. It appeared in this way: three signs became visible in the middle of the palm of a man’s hand in the form of black pocks which did not depart (from the skin) but (remained) deep (in it). They were like three drops of blood deep within. On whomsoever these appeared, the moment they did so the end would come within just one or two hours, or it might happen that (the person) had one day’s delay. These (signs) were (to be found) on many (people).”[ii]

John of Ephesus provides an additional identifying description that correlates the Justinian Plague to the bowls of wrath. The pandemic as described resulted in dead bodies in such numbers that the living were unable to keep up with the burial of the dead. Putrefied bodies lay everywhere. After all available burial space was utilized, the dead were either buried at sea or disposed in mass graves. John of Ephesus describes how an appointed government official named Theodorus organized the mass burial:

“He took along many people, gave them much gold and had very large pits dug, in everyone of which 70,000 (corpses) were put. He placed there (some) men who brought down and turned over (corpses), piled them up and presses the layers one upon another as a man might heap up hay in a stack. Also he placed by the pits men holding gold and encouraged the workmen and the common people with gifts to carry and to bring up (corpes), giving five, six and even seven and ten dinars for each load.”[iii]

“What more is there to say? – also on those pits into which people were thrown and trodden upon, while men stood below, deep as in an abyss, and others above: the latter dragged and threw down (the corpses), like stones being thrown from a sling, and the former grabbed and threw them one on top of another, arranging the rows in alternating directions. Because of scarcity (of room) both men and women were trodden upon, young people and children were pressed together, trodden upon by feet and trampled like spoiled grapes.”[iv]

“How and with what utterances, with what hymns, with what funeral laments and groanings should somebody mourn who has survived and witnessed this “wine-press of the fury of the wrath (of God)?”’

“Those who trampled stood (below) and when a man or a women or a young man or a child was put (down) they would tread (them) with their feet to press them down and to make place for others. The (corpse) which was trampled sank and was immersed in the pus of those below it, since it was after five or as much as ten days that (the corpses) reached (this place of) pernicious prostration.”[v]

The mass graves were dug outside the city of Constantinople in just the same manner as depicts a massive winepress but of human bodies. The bodies brought to the graves were in various states of decomposition. “People thrown in great heaps torn open one upon another with their bellies putrefying and their intestines flowing like brooks down into the sea.”[vi] These bodies were like busted grapes as they were pressed in a human winepress. Certainly, this historian made the connection between the events occurring in his time to those recorded by John in the book of Revelation!

John of Ephesus paraphrased a line from Revelation 14:19-20. The actual passage reads: “So the angel thrust his sickle into the earth and gathered the vine of the earth, and threw it into the great winepress of the wrath of God. And the winepress was trampled outside the city, and blood came out of the winepress, up to the horses’ bridles, for one thousand six hundred furlongs.” In fact, John of Ephesus reiterates the human winepress analogy at least three times in his testimony. This is strong evidence that correlates the bowls of wrath to the Justinian plague!

“Then the second angel poured out his bowl on the sea, and it became blood as of a dead man; and every living creature in the sea died” (Rev. 16:3).

The second bowl of wrath continues the same morbid depiction of human decomposition. “Blood as of a dead man” could only be an illusion to the decay of the human body. This time the plague was spread upon the sea.

The word “sea” is often used symbolically to mean people of the world in prophetic scriptures (Ref. Psm. 65:7; Isa. 17:12; 57:20-21). John writes that “every living creature in the sea died.” A literal translation from Greek into English reads, “every soul of life died, the things in the sea.”[vii] Though a vast number of people died in the plague, many physically survived the horror, but no one survived untouched. Procopius related how care takers suffered a greater burden then those who died. John of Ephesus claimed many survivors went insane. Survivors were demoralized to despair. Life would never be the same again. Perhaps in that sense, “every soul of life died.”

“Then the third angel poured out his bowl on the rivers and springs of water, and they became blood” (Rev. 16:4).

The third bowl of wrath continues the same notion of blood signifying the same presence of the plague. The bowls are not differing plagues, as many assume, but the same plague being distributed to different locations. Commentaries on the Justinian Plague often express an amazement how fast this plague spread. After all, rodents that were believed to have spread the plague would need time to travel to the whole known world. Yet, this plague was everywhere in less than 2 years. The reason for the unusually fast spreading plague was the fact that God commissioned angels to pour out their bowls in different locations. It spread fast because God spread it!

This time the plague found its way inland from the coast. Rome itself lays inland along the river Tiberis. This certainly would alert Christians that the city of Rome was on the Lord’s radar. The third bowl signifies the idea that the plague was geographically everywhere in their water sources.

The Roman empire for some 400 years was thirsty for blood. “For they have shed the blood of saints and prophets.” In exchange, God has “given them blood to drink. For it is their just due.” (Rev. 16:6). The New American Standard Version says, “For they deserve it!” God literally gave them what they thirst for in a most appropriate manner. Their water sources were contaminated by the blood of their own people.

“Then the fifth angel poured out his bowl on the throne of the beast, and his kingdom became full of darkness; and they gnawed their tongues because of the pain. They blasphemed the God of heaven because of their pains and their sores, and did not repent of their deeds” (Rev. 16:10-11).

The sores reappear in the pouring out of the fifth bowl of wrath. This time the plague is poured upon the throne of the beast, assumedly the city of Rome itself. The intent of the punishment was to cause the Romans to repent. However, it caused them to blaspheme God while they gnawed on their tongues in pain. The gnawing on their tongues is likely an innuendo to the scarcity of food. The Romans did not repent so their punishment was not only due, but it was just!

Justinian’s Black Plague continued in earnest for 3 years followed by a famine (famine likely being the 4th bowl of wrath). It is believed that the city of Constantinople alone lost approximately 60% of their population. Many towns in the Roman empire became uninhabited. Though not entirely due to the plague, the city of Rome was deserted five years after the first bowl of wrath was poured out. The Roman empire along with the city of Rome were crushed in the winepress of God’s wrath.

[i] Procopius, History of Wars, vol. 1, XXII & XXIII, p. 451-473.

[ii] John of Ephesus, Pseudo-Dionysius of Tel-Mahre Chronicle Part III, Witold Witakowski, Liverpool University Press, 1996, p. 86-88.

[iii] Ibid, p. 91.

[iv] Ibid, p. 95

[v] Ibid, p. 96.

[vi] Ibid, p. 89.

[vii] The Interlinear Greek-English New Testament, Alfred Marshall, Zondervan Publishing House, 1975, p. 1002.

Timing the Book of Revelation

Timing is everything for the proper interpretation of the book of Revelation. Various theories have developed concerning the interpretation of the book of Revelation that have ignored when it was written or when it concludes. These theories take advantage of the symbolic nature of the book to express ideas that are beyond the scope of the book itself. We are directed to confine ourselves to the things written in the book without adding to it or taking away from it (Rev. 22:18-19). Identifying the beginning and ending points in the book of Revelation will ensure we do not step outside our given guidelines.

Timing the Beginning Point

The Apostle John, the author of the book of Revelation, opens the book defining when the prophecies will begin. In the very first sentence he writes, “things which must shortly take place.” Two sentences later he adds, “for the time is near.” The prophecies in the book of Revelation began shortly after John wrote the book. In fact, the first observable prophecy was near to the time he finished writing the book.

A little later in the first chapter Jesus tells John, “Write the things which you have seen, and the things which are, and the things which will take place after this” (Rev. 1:19). The emphasis is not on past events. A prophecy is not prophetic if it reveals those things that already took place. It would defy the very definition of the word prophecy. John declared, “Blessed is he who reads and those who hear the words of this prophecy (Rev. 1:3).

According to many historical sources, John wrote the book of Revelation about 97 A.D. This date will serve as the starting point for all prophecies contained in the book of Revelation. The first observable prophecy in the book of revelation was recorded in the opening of the 5th seal. “When He opened the fifth seal, I saw under the altar the souls of those who had been slain for the word of God and for the testimony which they held” (Rev. 6:9). In the year 107 A.D., less than 11 years after John wrote the book of Revelation, Emperor Trajan was persecuting Christians unto death.

“Pliny the Second… seeing the lamentable slaughter of Christians, and moved therewith to pity, wrote to Trajan, certifying him that there were many thousands of them daily put to death, of which none did anything contrary to the Roman laws worthy of persecution.”[i]

Ignatius, an early church father, an Elder of the church in Antioch and a disciple of the Apostle John, was martyred, reportedly in the ninth year of Trajan’s reign.[ii] Trajan himself examined Ignatius and sentenced him to be fed to wild animals in the amphitheater of Rome.

Timing the End Point

The ending of the prophecies in the book of Revelation is also definable. With the exception of Chapters 19 to 22 that clearly refer to the end of time and the judgement to come, John’s vision tells us that point when the prophecies end. It is described for us in Revelation chapters 17 and 18.

“And he cried mightily with a loud voice, saying, “Babylon the great is fallen, is fallen, and has become a dwelling place of demons, a prison for every foul spirit, and a cage for every unclean and hated bird!”’ (Rev 18:2). Babylon in this prophecy is the city of Rome. In the previous chapter, the woman that rides the beast is called, “Babylon the great” (Rev. 17:5) and is further identified as “that great city which reigns over the kings of the earth” (Rev. 17:18). The city of Rome was the capital of the Roman empire.

The destruction of Rome in this prophecy was so complete that it’s ruin was described as desolate. “They threw dust on their heads and cried out, weeping and wailing, and saying, ‘Alas, alas, that great city, in which all who had ships on the sea became rich by her wealth! For in one hour she is made desolate’” (Rev. 18:19).

Arthur Ogden, a well-known preterit among churches of Christ insists that Rome could not be the symbolic Babylon because it was called the “Eternal City” and “it has never been destroyed.”[iii] However, history would disagree.

There are at least two historical references that state Rome was destroyed. Procopius of Caesarea (c. 500 – c. 554 A.D.) was a historian who wrote this description of Rome as it existed in 546 A.D. “In Rome he suffered nothing human to remain, leaving it altogether, in every part, a perfect desert.”[iv] This quote is believed to derive from his book, History of the Wars. Therein, Procopius wrote in some detail, “As for the Romans, however, he kept the members of the senate with him, while all the others together with their wives and children he sent to Campania, refusing to allow a single soul in Rome, but leaving it entirely deserted.”[v]

Marcellinus Comes was a chronicler in Constantinople (d. 534 A.D.). An unknown writer wrote in his chronicle, The Chronicles of Marcellinus, this statement about Rome: “Everything that had belonged to the Romans was carried away, and also the Romans themselves were led into Campania – captives. And after this devastation, Rome was so desolate, that, for forty days or more there was to be seen in it not a single inhabitant, but only wild beasts.”[vi] The word desolate is the same word the Apostle John used to describe the end result of the symbolic city of Babylon (Rev. 18:19).

Edward Gibbons in his work, The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, echoed the same understanding that Rome was destroyed and abandoned. The Gothic king Totila took Rome in December, 546 A.D. and decreed “that Rome should be changed into a pasture for cattle.”[vii] The remaining citizens of Rome were taken captive “and during forty days Rome was abandoned to desolate and dreary solitude.”[viii] After which a Roman general “visited with pity and reverence the vacant space of the eternal city.”[ix]

The eternal city was first given that nickname by “the Roman poet Tibullus in the 1st century BC.”[x] The designation was nothing more than a romantic idea of a beloved city with the hope for a long existence. The nickname has nothing to do with the reality of history.

Regardless, Rome that is called Babylon in the book of Revelation says it “shall not be found anymore” (Rev. 18:21). Obviously, Rome still exists to this day. However, the original site with its antiquity laden structures have not been reconstructed since the destruction took place. The sight remains an archaeological treasure not to mention the 3rd most significant tourist site in the world.

Much of the prophetic description given in the book of Jeremiah (Jer. 50 and 51) to describe Babylon’s destruction is similar to the description of Rome’s destruction in the book of Revelation. It seems the Apostle John is literally describing Babylon as it prophetically alludes to Rome in the book of Revelation. It should not trouble us that a phrase that historically depicts Babylon as not being found is applied to Rome as an empire.

Further, it should be argued that Rome was the capital and embodiment of the Roman Empire. As Rome goes, so does the empire. The Roman empire was never resurrected after Rome fell in 546 A.D. The Roman Empire certainly has never been found anymore.

These facts should serve as ample evidence for the ending point of the prophecies through chapter 18 in the book of Revelation. If the book of Revelation is basically chronological in order, then all the events or circumstances from Revelation chapters 6 through 18 should be found between the years 97 A.D. and 546 A.D. Any interpretation outside these dates for these chapters would add to the things contained in the prophecy of the book of Revelation. Ignoring the things historically contained within these dates for these chapters would take away from the words of the prophecy in the book of Revelation (Rev. 22:18-19).

Surely, the Lord is coming quickly (Rev. 22:20)!

[i] John Foxe, Foxe’s Book of Martyrs, William Byron Forbush, ed., Chapter II

[ii] “The Martyrdom of Ignatius,” Ante-Nicene Fathers, Alexander Roberts, D. D., ed., Hendrickson Publishers, 1995, Vol. 1, p. 129.

[iii] Arthur M. Ogden, The Avenging of the Apostles and Prophets, Ogden Publications, Somerset, KY, 1991, p. 443, 446.

[iv] John Miley, Rome as it was Under Paganism and as it Became Under the Popes, J. Maddon and Company, London, 1843, vol. 2, p. 196.

[v] Procopius, History of the Wars, VII, xxii.

[vi] Miley, vol. 2, p. 196.

[vii] Edward Gibbon, The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, Robert Maynard Hutchins, ed. in chief, Encyclopedia Britannica, Inc., 1952, vol. 2, p. 57.

[viii] ibid

[ix] ibid

[x] “Rome,” Wikipedia.

Dating the Book of Revelation

The date when the book of Revelation was written has been a controversial subject for centuries. The insight I have gained and relate in this article is not likely to change the debate in favor of any certain date. However, after reading many different sources on the subject, I have not found anyone who has addressed Hegesippus’ testimony as it relates to the dating of the book of Revelation.

Eusebius was a fourth century historian who preserved many early writings. He is credited with quoting Irenaeus’ testimony (abt. 180 A.D.) that John wrote the book of Revelation near the end of Domitian’s reign. Domitian was executed in 96 A.D. “Eusebius quoted also Hegesippus’ testimony [abt. 150 A.D.] that John returned to Ephesus upon being released from exile after the accession of Nerva in A. D. 96 (HE III. xx).”(1) Nerva was the successor to Domitian and served as the Roman Emperor from 96 A.D. to 98 A.D.

Barring any evidence to the contrary or attacks on the credibility of Eusebius, this information presents a real problem for those who hold to the early date (abt. 64-68 A.D.) for the writing of the book of Revelation. John has told us he “was on the island that is called Patmos for the word of God and for the testimony of Jesus Christ” (Rev. 1:9). Please notice the past tense implies John wrote what he experienced after he was off the island. The only logical conclusion is that John wrote the book of Revelation after 96 A.D.

Arthur M. Ogden, the well known author of “The Avenging of the Apostles and Prophets” among members of the churches of Christ, advances the early date in his commentary on the book of Revelation. He states, “If the late date is accepted, it would be impractical and meaningless to interpret the book in the light of the fall of Israel.”(2) Therefore, I would expect Brother Ogden to make a most convincing argument to contradict the quotes given by Eusebius. He acknowledges “the strongest arguments for the late date”(3) are made concerning Ireanaeus’ testimony. However, he gives a weak defense by implying through another commentator who uses Robert Young’s statement (late 1800), that Ireaneus really meant Nero. Brother Ogden goes on to question the reliability of Ireanaeus’ statement. Yet, he never even mentions Hegesippus’ testimony by the same historian (Eusebius).

Logically speaking, if the early date is correct and Hegesippus’ testimony is also correct then John was in exile for some thirty years. If John wrote the book of Revelation while on the island (as early date proponents support) then we are left wondering how he got the document off the island in time for it to provide comfort to the reader before the destruction of Jerusalem (70 A.D.). Of course, we are assuming that John had access to scarce writing materials while he was a prisoner on a secluded island. And if we can locate John in any other place other than the Isle of Patmos between 64 A.D. and 96 A.D. then we would know for sure that the early date is inaccurate.

If we add the testimony of Victorinus (late 3rd century) and Jerome (late 4th century) we come to the same logical conclusion. Both of these men expressly testify that John was sent to the Isle of Patmos by Domitian.(4) In fact, Jerome identifies the 14th year of Domitian’s reign as to when John was sent to Patmos.(5)

The only external evidence Brother Ogden uses in support of an early date is the Syriac Version. He writes, “The Syriac Version of the New Testament, which is the oldest version of the New Testament, dating all the way back to the second century, places the Revelation in the period of Nero, 68 A.D.”(6) The oldest Syriac Version of the New Testament is called the Peschito. “The Old Syriac Peschito version does not contain the Apocalypse.”(7) Subsequent Syriac versions do include the Book of Revelation but not the oldest one that dates back to the second century.

The reason Brother Ogden made such a bold statement concerning the Syriac Version of the New Testament is due to a title inserted into a translation known as the Syriac Vulgate Bible that was dated to the 6th century. The uninspired title asserts that John wrote the Apocalypse in Patmos where he was sent by Nero Caesar. The title is not part of any earlier manuscript from which that version was translated. Therefore, it is 6th century evidence and not 2nd century evidence as implied in his statement.

The external evidence used in this article to support a later date for the writing of the book of Revelation is from the 2nd century to the 4th century. The external evidence against an early date for the writing of the Book of Revelation is pretty solid.
(1) Merrill C. Tenney, ed.; The Zondervan Pictorial Encyclopedia of the Bible, 1976; Vol. 5, pg. 93.
(2) Arthur M. Ogden; The Avenging of the Apostles and Prophets, Ogden Publications, 1991, pg. 8.
(3) Ibid, pg. 9.
(4) Albert Barnes, Barnes’ Notes on the New Testament, ed. 2, Electronic Edition, Parsons Technology, Inc., 1999, Introduction to Revelation, Section 2.
(5) Ibid.
(6) Ogden, pg. 15
(7) A. R. Faussett, The Revelation of St. John the Divine; Jamieson, Fausset Brown Commentary Critical and Explanatory on the Whole Bible (1871) expanded electronic edition.


By Steve A. Hamilton